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新标准大学英语综合教程3课文与翻译
are different and what expectations are placed on them, change according to the society in which they live.
5 Social anthropologists have shown this in their studies of peoples with very different understandings of the world to Western ones. Jean Briggs has worked with the Inuit of the Canadian Arctic and has described how, within these communities, growing up is largely seen as a process of acquiring thought, reason and understanding (known in Inuit as ihuma). Young children don't possess these qualities and are easily angered, cry frequently and are incapable of understanding the external difficulties facing the community, such as shortages of food. Because they can't be
reasoned with, and don't understand, parents treat them with a great deal of tolerance and leniency. It's only when they are older and
begin to acquire thought that parents attempt to teach them or discipline them.
6 In contrast, children on the Pacific island of Tonga, studied by Helen Morton, are regularly beaten by their parents and older siblings. They are seen as being closer to mad people than adults because they lack the
highly prized quality of social competence (or poto as the Tongans call it). They are regularly told off for being clumsy and a child who falls over may be laughed at, shouted at, or beaten. Children are thought of as mischievous; they cry or want to feed simply because they are naughty, and beatings are at their most severe betweenthe ages of three and five when
children are seen as particularly wilful. Parents believe that social competence can only be achieved through discipline and physical punishment, and treat their children in ways that have seemed very harsh to outsiders. 7 In other cases, ideas about children are radically different. For example, the Beng, a small ethnic group in West Africa, assume that very young children know and understand
人们对儿童又有何期待，不同的社会给出了不一样的答案。
社会人类学家在研究那些跟西方国家持有不同世界观的民族时也表明了这个观点。琼·布里格斯研究过加拿大北极地区的伊努伊特人，她描述了在这些社会群落中成长是怎样大体上被看成是一个获得思想、理性和理解力（伊努伊特人称之为 ihuma）的过程。小孩子不具备这些素质，所有才容易生气，常常会哭，无法理解群落所面临的诸如食物短缺之类的外在困难。由于无法跟他们讲理，即便讲了他们也不明白，父母对他们很宽容、很温和。一直要等到他们年龄大一点，并开始有自己的思想时，父母才会尝试着去管教他们，约束他们。
相反，根据海伦·莫顿的研究，太平洋岛国汤加的儿童经常挨父母和哥哥姐姐的打。人们认为儿童和成年人相比更像疯子，因为他们缺乏被大家看重的社会能力（汤加人称之为 poto）。小孩子经常因为笨手笨脚而挨骂，他们连摔跤都会被嘲笑、呵斥，甚至被打。人们认为儿童很顽皮，都是因为淘气他们才哭闹，或者要东西吃。在大人看来，三至五岁的儿童尤其任性，因此他们打这个年龄段的孩子也打得最狠。父母们相信，只有靠训导和体罚才能使孩子获得社会能力，所以他们用一种在外人看来非常严厉的方式对待孩子。
在其他的例子中，有关儿童的观念则截然不同。例如，西非的一个叫孟加拉的很小的族群认为，不管说什么、用什么语言
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新标准大学英语综合教程3课文与翻译
everything that is said to them, in whatever 说，小孩子都能听明白，并且能language they are addressed. The Beng, 理解。另一位人类学家阿尔who've been extensively studied by another 玛·戈特利布对孟加拉族进行了anthropologist, Alma Gottlieb, believe in a 广泛的研究，孟加拉族人认为小spirit world where children live before they are 孩子出生前居住在灵界，在那里born and where they know all human 他们通晓人类所有的语言，能理languages and understand all cultures. Life in 解所有的文化。灵界的生活很惬the spirit world is very pleasant and the 意，小孩子在那里有很多朋友，children have many friends there and are often 他们通常极不愿意离开那儿，来very reluctant to leave it for an earthly family 到地球上的家庭中（本·奥克雷(a fictional account of a spirit child's journey 的小说《饥饿之路》就描述了一between the spirit and the earthly world is 个小孩在灵界和人世之间往返given in Ben Okri's novel, The Famished Road). 的故事） 。他们出生后仍然与When they are born, they remain in contact 那个世界保持长达数年的联系，with this other world for several years, and 如果没有得到良好的照顾，他们may decide to return there if they are not 就可能要返回灵界。因此，父母properly looked after. So parents treat young 们悉心照料孩子，以免他们受到children with great care so that they're not 诱惑，回归灵界，而且对他们也tempted to return, and also with some 有几分敬畏，因为他们具备大人reverence, because they're in contact with the 所不具备的通灵的本领。 spirit world in a way that adults aren't. 8 There's a tendency to view children in the 在英国及其他西方国家，越UK, and in the Western world in general, as 来越多的人认为儿童缺乏能力，incompetent and dependent. But this isn't the 依赖性强。但也不是全世界的人case throughout the world. In many societies 都持这种看法。在很多社会里孩children work and contribute to the family in 子从小就开始工作，寻找各种机whatever way they can from a very early age. A 会为家里挣钱。以看管孩子为good example of this is childcare. In the UK, it 例，在英国，14岁以下的儿童is illegal for a child under the age of 14 to look 在没有成人监督的情况下照看after another child unsupervised, because 其他孩子是非法的，因为人们认they're deemed incompetent and 为他们缺少看孩子的能力和责irresponsible. In other cultures, this is not the 任心。而在其他文化里，情况并case. Michelle Johnson has written about the 非如此。米歇尔·约翰逊曾写过Fulani of West Africa describing how by the 西非的富拉尼族女孩四岁就得age of four, girls are expected to be able to 照看年幼的弟弟妹妹，要打水、care for their younger siblings, fetch water and 拾柴，六岁就得舂米、挤奶、做firewood and by the age of six will be 黄油，并和妈妈一起到市场上去pounding grain, producing milk and butter 贩卖这些东西。 and selling these alongside their mothers in the market. 9 Across the world, among the Yanamam? 另一位人类学家拿破仑·沙of the Amazonian rainforest, another 尼翁证实了在世界的另一端，地anthropologist, Napoleon Chagnon, has 处亚马逊雨林的亚那马莫族孩
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新标准大学英语综合教程3课文与翻译
shown how different these children's childhoods are from Western ones, and also how differently boys and girls grow up in comparison with other parts of the world. He has written how a Yanamam? girl is expected to help her mother from a young age and by the age of ten will be running a house. By the age of 12 or 13 she is probably married and will have started to have babies. Boys on the other hand, have far fewer responsibilities. They don't marry until later than girls and are allowed to play well into their teens. Western notions of childhood simply do not \these cases, where children's competence and responsibilities are understood very differently.
10 Social anthropologists ask questions
about how childhood, and the role of children, is seen within the communities they study, rather than how it fits into Western ideas about childhood. By doing this they seek to avoid imposing outside ideas onto people with very different understandings of the
world or of making value judgments on other people's ways of raising their children. While Westerners might take exception to eight- year-old girls working or to 12-year-old girls marrying, within their own communities such activities are seen as a normal and positive part of childhood. Indeed, seen through the eyes of non-Westerners, many \Western childcare practices are seen as extremely bizarre and possibly harmful to children. Placing children in rooms of their own, refusing to feed them on demand, or letting them cry rather than immediately
tending to them, are viewed very negatively in many societies and lead some to think that Westerners don't know how to look after children properly.
11 Childhood is a changing social
phenomenon, of continual fascination and concern. Looking at it from a cross-cultural
子的童年与西方孩子的童年有什么不同，以及那里的男孩儿女孩儿们跟世界其他地方的男孩儿女孩儿的成长方式的差异。他写道，亚那马莫族女孩儿很小就得帮妈妈做家务，到十岁就开始管家。到十二、三岁时可能就结婚生子了。男孩儿的责任则要少得多，他们比女孩儿晚结婚，可以玩到十八九岁。西方的童年观在这里根本不适用，因为这里的人们对儿童的能力和责任有着完全不同的理解。
社会人类学家探寻的是在他们所研究的族群里人们是如何看待童年，以及儿童扮演的角色问题，而不是研究那些地区的童年观是否符合西方的观念。他们这么做是为了避免把外界的观念强加给那些持不同世界观的人身上，或者是为了避免对其他民族养育孩子的方式作价值观方面的判断。西方人可能会反对八岁的女孩儿打工，反对12岁的女孩结婚，但在他们自己的族群里，这些事情被视为童年生活的一个积极的常态。的确，在非西方人看来，许多“正常的”西方育儿方式极其怪异，可能对孩子是有害的。让孩子在自己的屋里呆着，想吃东西的时候不给他们吃，或者任由他们哭闹而不赶快去安抚他们，这些在很多社会里都是不对的事情，会让人觉得西方人根本不懂得如何照看孩子。
童年是一种处于变化之中的社会现象，具有持续的吸引力，并且不断受到关注。从跨文
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新标准大学英语综合教程3课文与翻译
perspective shows the wide variety of
childhoods that exist across the world and warns against interfering in or criticizing
people whose lives, and understandings of the world, are very different to our own. All
societies recognize that children are different to adults and have particular qualities and needs; what anthropologists and other social scientists are interested in are the ideas that each society has about the nature of
childhood and the impact these views have on children's lives.
化角度来看待这个问题能展示出世界上各种各样的童年生活，并警示我们不要随意干涉或指责那些生活方式及世界观跟我们不一样的人。所有的社会都承认儿童和成年人是不同的，他们有自己独特的品性和需求；人类学家和社会科学家感兴趣的是每个社会对儿童的天性都有什么样的看法，以及这些看法又如何影响儿童的生活。
Unit2-3
Childhood around the world
1 My Jewish grandmother used to live close by. She was a marvelous cook and there would always be something happening in the kitchen. When a religious festival was approaching, she used to be busy all day preparing a sumptuous family dinner for the evening. As a child, I would often stay with my grandparents and so I was her helper. I used to feel really proud going to the larder to fetch the eggs, carrying them back carefully so as not to drop them. The larder smelled of everything all at once, flour, spices, honey, oil, wood. I would watch her every move and she would describe everything she was doing in detail so that I would learn.“Pass me that fella there”, she would said, pointing to a frying pan or an onion. Everything was important. Deborah, England
2 I spent my childhood with my
grandmother. I have a funny memory of her. She used to smoke cigarettes that she rolled herself in a piece of newspaper. When she was not home, I decided to try the same. I rolled a piece of newspaper without tobacco inside. Then I lit the roll and tried to smoke it. It burned quickly all the way to my nose. I was so
embarrassed. Even now, my family talks about that incident. Myeong Ok Lee, South Korea 3 When I was a child, I would play with stray
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世界各地的童年
以前，我的犹太奶奶和我住
得很近。 她做得一手好菜，厨房里从来没有消停的时候。 每逢宗教节日临近，她都要忙上一整天，为家人准备丰盛的晚宴。 小时候我一直和爷爷奶奶在一起，也就成了奶奶的帮厨。 那时我对自己能到储藏室把鸡蛋完好无损地取回来感到非常自豪。 储藏室里五味俱全，里面有面粉、香料、蜂蜜、食用油、柴禾。 我总在观察奶奶的动作，她会把手头的每一样活都细细地给我解释，教我怎么做。 她经常会说“把那东西递给我”，手指着一个炒菜锅或是一颗洋葱。 每件事都很重要。 黛博拉 英国
我的童年是跟奶奶过的，说起她就让我想起一段有趣的往事。 她经常用报纸卷烟抽。 有一天她不在家，我想学她的样，就用报纸卷了一个烟卷，但里面没放烟丝。 我点燃报纸卷，放到嘴里吸，报纸很快就烧到了我的鼻头上。 我觉得很丢脸，至今家里人还时常提起这件糗事。 李明宇 韩国
我小时候常和附近的流浪